Democratic Intelligence
In an
educational and social system dominated by an economic and political oligarchy,
intelligence an individual quality. We
celebrate ‘smart’ people and reward them materially and monetarily for their
knowledge and ability. We identify
‘good’ schools where all the smart people go and give tests and rankings to be
sure only the ‘best and brightest’ make it in (with all the legacy students who
just bought their way in). We’ve become
so accustomed to thinking of intelligence this way that it seems almost
heretical to suggest that intelligence is not an individual quality. There are people who have higher aptitude for
some kinds of intellectual work, but intelligence is a social and cultural
phenomenon, not an abstract ability or quality.
Intelligence
is culturally bound in several ways. Not
all cultures or sub-cultures cultivate or value the same traits and
knowledge. Cultures often restrict
intelligence to certain classes or institutions, and cultures have different
ways of identifying and rewarding intelligence.
Finally, every culture has an idea of what they expect intelligence to
produce. In our culture we are obsessed
with ranking intelligence, of limiting the voices and perspectives that can
participate in decision making and dialog.
We identify valedictorians, as if the grades people receive somehow
entitle them to greater status and credibility, even though valedictorians are
often not the ‘smartest’ people in the class.
These rankings, of both individuals and schools, are there to protect
the privileges of the elite. Sure, every
now and then some savant makes it through the maze and gets anointed as elite,
but by and large where you start out is where you finish. As Evan Watkins once said, “school is pretty
much a place where you go to learn your place.”
In a
limited and oligarchic democracy such as ours, treating intelligence this way
maintains the stability of the oligarchy and the institutions that sustain
them. If it works, everyone else follows
their lead and we all feel better. But
when that ‘lead’ is into a war in Southeast Asia or a catastrophic banking
collapse, cracks start to emerge. When
information technology makes information ubiquitous, even if a lot of it is bad
information, elites have a much harder time controlling the narrative. And when the groups outside of the elite,
driven by cultural, economic, religious or ethnic issues start ignoring the
message, trouble is on the way. In a
radical democracy intelligence has to have a wider and more varied bandwidth
than we are used to producing or validating.
It
doesn’t matter who is ‘right’ if there is no cultural protocol for agreeing who
gets to say what is right. Science on
climate change will not change the minds of religious dissenters, and Trump
breaking another law will not convince his supporters to impeach him. The problem with isolating intelligence by
individual, institution or class is that those who are not allowed in will
never accept the results. Radical
democracy is a relational ecology. As
such, it demands that the relational elements of producing knowledge and
intelligence be part of the process.
There are always relational elements to the production of knowledge, but
in a democracy run by elites those relationships are discounted and
hidden. In a radical democracy they have
to be put on the table.
Democratic
intelligence is something we create together, and because we create it together
it has credence across the divides that disrupt elite knowledge. It doesn’t matter if you know the right
answer if there is no one who listens to you or believes you. Dewey’s idea of inquiry is grounded in the
practice of deciding together what we need to know and how we’re going to know
it. It means overcoming the barriers of
confidence and credibility that separate us in our current system. It requires all the ways of knowing we
currently practice, but it also requires relational aptitude that we don’t pay
much attention to.
It
requires generosity. We have to listen
to people we might not want to listen to, who might not initially have much to
offer, but unless they are validated they remain outside the inquiry. Generosity is a means of inclusion. It also means we have to take others’
objections and perceptions seriously.
The point is not whether they are right or wrong; the point is that they
are real barriers to communication. We
often read and listen as a sorting mechanism, to decide who gets included and
who doesn’t. Generosity demands we
listen to understand not just what is being said but why.
Radical
democracy requires creativity and pattern recognition, the ability to recast
and rearrange what people say so that we can all see the relationships. Most people have trouble seeing the limits
and implications of what they believe.
All of us have this problem occasionally. Creativity lets us all get out of the
limitations we bring to our perspectives or standpoints and see something from
a new vantage point. It helps us figure
out what the larger consequences and possibilities of the situation might
be. When we create together we own it
together and we defend it together.
Democratic
intelligence is pragmatic philosophy in action.
It is the rewriting of the horizons of our possibilities and beliefs as
a shared experience. We all know
something valuable. We all have blind
spots and holes in what we know. A
radical democracy recognizes that our value is not determined by consensus but
by contribution, conflict and resolution.
Intelligence only matters if it produces intelligent action. Intelligent is only possible if the people
are invested in the process. We grew up
with a story about who we are and what we can do. That story has been in tatters for awhile
now. It’s time to tell a new story. A story with multiple layers and levels of
meaning. A story of wider participation,
and one that values a variety of roles.
It is a story of a democratic intelligence.
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