Fractal Democracy
One of
the interesting aspects of looking at complex systems using fractals is that
the different levels of the system do not necessarily all have the same
organizing principle. Each level of the
system is an iterative construction of some fractal structure, just not
necessarily the same structure on every level of the system. I think that is a good way to think about how
a radical democracy could organize itself to be both systematic and diverse. One of the failings of the formal democracy
that was constructed in our country is that it tries to reproduce exactly the
same structures at every level of the system.
Concepts such as laws, freedoms and rights are supposed to operate the
same way everywhere, but they never do.
As a result, they become more and more vague and indefinable. If we understood that some parts of the
system would operate differently in different contexts, maybe we could start to
conceptualize a democratic system that was both coherent and diverse.
We know
that in our current system we all have a right to equal representation, but we
also know that lobbyists and money drive the system. We all have a right to an equal education,
but we also know that your parents’ wealth pretty much determines what kind of
education a child actually receives. In
short, the Euclidian view of social life promoted in a formal democracy is
never what it claims to be. Trying to
reach the potential of a diverse political, social and economic culture is
constantly being frustrated by our insistence that every piece looks exactly
like every other piece. All kinds of
privileges are baked into the system on the basis of race, gender, religion and
sexual identification, but calling them out is always frustrated by the false
concept of equality. The way that affirmative
action was labeled as an unfair advantage in a society of blatantly unfair
advantages is a good example. The only
way a formal democracy can think of us is to think of us as all the same, even
though we obviously are not.
If
democracy is going to morph into a viable expression of diverse but equal
people it has to find another way to model what it is going to think of as
consistency. Our political and legal
dialog has degenerated into a childish game of who got more cookies than the
other. It is particularly ineffective
when we can see that the folks that started with the most cookies in the first
place can use the game to extend their advantage. Why do we construct political arguments
around issues such as abortion as a zero-sum game? Why does there have to be only one way of
adjudicating an issue? No one is running
into anti-abortion communities and demanding that people have abortions, but it
seems perfectly natural to us as part of our legalistic formalism to demand
that other communities follow one set of laws.
All this does is to create obviously hypocritical arguments about life
and rights that are as tedious as they are flawed. A radical democracy has to allow for
differences on those issues.
Communities
can have different organizing principles as long as two conditions are
met. The first is that the organizing
structure of the community cannot threaten the structural organization of
another community. Issues surrounding
climate or war or food have to be protected and adjudicated at the most
comprehensive and powerful level of the democracy. Other issues can be settled in smaller
communities as long as people have the right to leave or join the community as
they choose. That means that there are
some communities that will do things that you (and me) find objectionable, but
as long as the people in the community aren’t coerced into compliance, as long
as they have a chance to leave, we should accept that.
The two
forms of purity that threaten American democracy are Puritanism and
identity. Both are a result, although in
opposite ways, of trying to make everyone the same. The most onerous is Puritanism, which tries
to impose a moral judgement on anything that violates the dominant value of the
community. Morality is often just an
intergenerational reaction to change.
The supposed right of any one value system to dominate another, as long
as some basic principles and free association are real alternatives, should be
resisted. If that were the case, the
fierce battle over identity might be avoided.
In our culture identity is driven by the difference generating forces of
capitalism and the uniform suppression of difference in our politics. It is a schizophrenic charade. If we could see ourselves as multiple, as
having different organizing structures within ourselves, we could move toward a
democracy that is both radical and fractal.
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